Tuesday, July 29, 2014

# 19 Questions for Scott Neeson proliferate. Scott's refuses to answer them.


Dear Scott

New questions arise about CCF - both online (my blog) and in private emails to me. Many focus on James Mc Cabe and CCF’s Child Protection Unit.

Let’s start with your declaration that the CPU has a 100% conviction rate. Given that global research shows a conviction rate of between 10-30%, this is nothing short of miraculous. 

A simple ‘google’ search will reveal plenty of statistics relating to sex offence conviction rates worldwide. On May 16th this year, for instance, Maeve McClenaghan, reporting in the UK wrote,

“Campaigners have expressed alarm over new statistics produced by the Ministry of Justice which show a dramatic drop in the conviction rate for sexual offenses in the past years, from 61% in 2012 to just 55% in 2013.

Are child protection units from the UK (indeed, all around the world) knocking at CCF’s door asking what the secret of the success of your Child Protection Unit is?

That the CPU is  run by ex-Australian policemen (James McCabe and Alan Lemon) who have no prior experience in child protection (a specialist field) raises serious questions about the veracity of the 100% conviction rate claim.

“Are local police and judges being paid to obtain successful convictions?”

If so:

“Will innocent men (and women) wind up in jail in order for the this success rate to be maintained?”

I don’t wish to belabor the point that James McCabe is not just a former policeman but a corrupt one, jailed for drug offenses in Australia, but questions such as the following arise:

“Is John Geden (an Inspector with the British Police) and a member of  the Cambodian Children’s Fund UK Board, aware that a disgraced policeman is running the Child Protection Unit?”

“Does Inspector Geden believe the touted 100% success rate to be accurate?

“Is  CEOPS (the British child abuse online police team) aware that UK police are working with a convicted criminal (Mc Cabe) to secure a 100% conviction success rate?”

“Does CEOPS endorse the accuracy of this claimed success rate?”

Whilst on the subject of yours and CCF’s relationship with police:

“Would you care to identify the senior Cambodian policeman with whom you have acquired $1 million worth of Cambodian real estate whilst insisting that you ‘own nothing’?”

best wishes

James Ricketson

PS An anonymous blog entry accuses me of spreading unsubstantiated rumours about your salary and the amount you pay your teachers. Could you let us know how much a month you earn in 2014 and how much a month you pay CCF teachers in 2014. Any errors on my part, exacerbated by your refusal to answer questions, I will happily correct.

Sunday, July 27, 2014

# 18 to Heather Graham and her publicist, Lindsay Galin re CCF's Child Protection Unit


Dear Heather Graham and Lindsay Galin

I have learned, via a third party, that you do not have any comment to make at all in relation to my letter to you of 13th June. As your publicist Lindsay Galin, writes, Heather:

Emily - I'm Heather's publicist. Off the record, we are not commenting on this.”

I have to presume that your ‘on the record’ response would be the same, Lindsay – “no comment.”

If neither you has actually looked at or read any of the contents of my blog, you may not be aware that James McCabe, who heads up the Cambodian Children’s Fund’s Child Protection Unit is a convicted criminal – a former policeman who served 2 years of a 4 year jail sentence in Australia.

It may well be that Mc Cabe is the best person for the job, though doubts must surely arise for you, Heather, given that he has no expertise in this area and has, along with Scott, declared that the CPU has a 100% success rate when it comes to securing convictions.  This is simply not possible –unless the CPU is doubly or triply as effective as all other such units worldwide. Is this likely?

http://cambodianchildrensfund.blogspot.com/2014/07/ccf-child-protection-units-involvement.html

It is clear from Scott’s non-response to any questions put to him (not just by myself but by most journalists) that he does not believe in the precepts of transparency and accountability. If he is not answering questions from journalists, is he answering questions from you, Heather? Are you even asking questions? Or is it possible that you believe all that you read on the CCF website, all that you read on Scott’s Facebook page and all that he says?

Heather, you are, whether you like it or now, providing your imprimatur of approval to Scott’s money-raising ventures. If all this money is being well spent and if CCF’s programs are effective, if CCF is not, in effect, stealing the children of poor families for publicity and marketing purposes, your support is entirely appropriate and should be applauded. I am merely suggesting, again, that you ask questions of the kind that I have asked and that other journalists have asked before providing your unqualified support.

I am copying this to one of the journalists who has, like myself, found it impossible to get answers from Scott to the sorts of questions that journalists re entitled to ask of NGOs in Cambodia who are raising millions of dollars through tax-deductible donations to ‘rescue’ children. You may or may not be aware that an ‘orphanage business’ thrives in Cambodia – despite the fact that it is common knowledge that 75% of the ‘orphans’ in these institutions are not orphans at all. You may or may not be aware that all studies carried out worldwide on institutional as opposed to family care point to the fact that it is much cheaper (by a factor of about 5:1) to support poor children in a family and community context than it is in an institution. And all research indicates that it is much healthier fro the children to be growing up within their families than within institutions.

best wishes

James Ricketson

Saturday, July 12, 2014

# 17 CCF Child Protection Unit's involvement in public arrest of Long Ven





In response to the Phnom Penh Post article this weekend regarding the very public arrest of Long Ven in Siem Reap. (The full article is to be found below)

Journalist Will Jackson mentions in his article that:

 “McCabe previously worked for Australia’s National Crime Authority”

He fails to mention that Mc Cabe, a former Australian Police officer from Victoria, was extradited from Cambodia and did two years in jail in Australia for drug offenses. A pertinent fact, I would have thought, for a journalist to acknowledge in an article such as this. This is either very sloppy journalism on Jackson’s part or the article has been written by a partisan determined to show Mc Cabe in a positive light.

A concerning aspect of the sting operation orchestrated, in part, by the Cambodian Children’s Fund’s Child Protection Unit, is the Phnom Penh Post’s publication of a photo of Long Ven’s arrest. Questions:

- Who invited the media to attend the arrest? Was it James Mc Cabe, Scott Neeson or another member of the team present for the arrest?

- Is it appropriate that the Phnom Penh Post publish a photo of a man who has not yet even been formally charged with a crime but who, at the time the media was invited to witness the arrest, was only a ‘suspect’?

The easy answer to this question lies in the following sentence in Jackson’s article:

“He (Long Ven) has since been charged with procuring children for the purposes of prostitution.”

OK, so Long Ven has been charged. However, in the eyes of the law, he is innocent until proven guilty. If it transpires that Long Ven is innocent, will the Phnom Penh Post publish an apology? And even if it does, what damage will have been done to Long Ven’s reputation that cannot be repaired?

Jackson finishes his article with:

The difficulty in prosecuting child abuse in Cambodia is exacerbated by the ease with which perpetrators can pay their way out of rape charges.”

The same applies, of course, to anyone who may wish to have someone falsely charged with rape (or attempted rape), arrested and sentenced on the basis of allegations - backed up by no facts or evidence at all.  

As for the police being in receipt of financial assistance from the Cambodian Children’s Fund,  imagine if, in Australia (or the US or most European countries), an under-funded police force were to receive training and funding from a private business! It is unthinkable, for obvious reasons. Alas, the unthinkable all too often is the norm in Cambodia!

Is it wrong, unfair, to refer to CCF as a business? I think not, given that Scott Neeson earns $10,000 a month. It is a very lucrative business for Scott since this $10,000 does not include all the perks that come with the job.  There is nothing wrong with running a business, of course, but when you earn 83 times the salary of one sector of your employees (teachers) questions will arise as to the integrity and fairness of your business practices and model.

The pertinent question here, however, is:

“Should a business such as CCF be providing funding for the Cambodian police?”

Or, if you wish to think of the Cambodian Children’s Fund as a non-profit NGO:

“Is it appropriate for an NGO, whose funding of a Child Protection Unit is dependent on the arrest and conviction of criminals, to fund the police whose job is to arrest such criminals?”

A partial answer is to be found in a quote from Jackson’s article:

“Ear Sophal, the author of Aid Dependence in Cambodia: How Foreign Assistance Undermines Democracy, said ideally recurring costs such as petrol and food should be covered by the government. “Generally, I would say that it is not appropriate to dedicate resources for such expenses if one is interested in sustainability,” Sophal wrote in an email. “But if one is interested in expediency, then anything goes. You might as well pay the police to do its work if it leads to the results you want.”

Ear Sophal’s reference to “the results you want,” is disturbing.

Given that Scott Neeson and James Mc Cabe have gone out of their way to capitalize on the arrest of Long Ven on the Cambodian Children’s Fund Facebook page, there would be considerable egg on their faces if Long Ven were to be found not guilty.

From a public relations point of view (to justify the CPU $1.5 million budget) the result Neeson and Mc Cabe want, need, is for Long Ven to be found guilty. For Long Ven to be found innocent would result in loss of face, public humiliation for Neeson and Mc Cabe and possibly the loss of some of the CPUs funding.

It could be argued that the Cambodian Children’s Fund now has a vested interest in the conviction of Long Ven. A dangerous precedent!

And what if Scott Neeson or James Mc Cabe want, for whatever reason, to ‘get a result’ that suits them from a PR point of view? Or in order to silence a critic? Or to punish an ‘enemy’? What is to prevent them, since the police are on the CCF payroll, from paying for the result they want? Nothing, as far as I can see!

This is not an accusation - merely an observation; a question.

“They’re doing work that really needs to be done,” said (Eric) Meldrum. “They’re not doing really complex cases, so a little bit of money goes a long way.”

So, who is investigating the ‘complex cases’ Does the attempted rape of a 3 year old girl qualify as ‘complex’ or ‘not complex’? The CPU?

“For many, it was attractive to think the ends justified the means. “But that is a slippery slope: What if only bribes resulted in crimes against children being solved?” said Sophal.

Another question that Sophal could ask is:

“What if bribes can be paid to arrange for the arrest, charging and conviction of an innocent person whom either Neeson or Mc Cabe might consider to be a nuisance, or worse?”

Any close association, relationship, between a criminal former Australian policeman and the Cambodian police should, I believe, be viewed with some suspicion.

If there is substantive evidence that Long Ven is guilty he deserves to go to prison. If there is no evidence that stands up in court I trust that the Phnom Penh Post publishes a front page apology.






Police arrest Long Ven (striped shirt), the director of the Underprivileged Children School
Police arrest Long Ven (striped shirt), the director of the Underprivileged Children School. GEORGE NICKELLS

Multi-agency task force targets child rape

Sitting at a metal table in Siem Reap’s drab single-room Serious Crime Police office this week, the three-year-old spoke in quiet monosyllables.
Next to her, child support officer Som Vathna, from the Phnom Penh-based Child Protection Unit (CPU), was gently asking her questions, while sitting opposite, the unit’s legal assistant Sok Sopheak Monica took notes. The girl’s father was also there, watching.
Her wispy brown hair tied up in a bun and her tiny hands in her lap, the girl confirmed what her parents had already reported. They told the police that the day before she had been sexually assaulted by her
17-year-old cousin at their village about 17km outside Siem Reap.
James McCabe (left) working with officers from the Child Protection Unit
James McCabe (left) working with officers from the Child Protection Unit.GEORGE NICKELLS
“She was playing at her cousin’s house when he took her upstairs and tried to rape her,” Monica said after the interview. “When it was over, she ran home and told her mother.”
A partnership between the Cambodian Children’s Fund and the Cambodian National Police, the CPU was established to assist national and provincial officers in cases of serious assault, rape or homicide of minors in the hope that more child abuse offenders in the country could be brought to justice.
With the backing of the high-profile and well funded charity, the CPU has the cash, experience and resources that Cambodia’s chronically under-funded police lack.
Assistance ranges from little things such as providing phone cards and petrol money to training in advanced investigative skills and coordinating major operations.
A team from the CPU was in Siem Reap this week as part of a multi-agency task force brought together to arrest Long Ven, 33, who goes by the name “Waha”, the director of an unregistered English language school suspected of renting out pupils for sex in exchange for donations.
Ven was apprehended by plainclothes police at the Siem Reap FCC on Monday. Shortly afterwards, dozens of students under the age of 13 were interviewed by child support officers at the Underprivileged
Children School in Sambat Village, while nine older students were found at an apartment rented by Ven in Siem Reap. He has since been charged with procuring children for the purposes of prostitution.
The CPU’s operations manager, James McCabe, said it was unusual for his team to be investigating sex trafficking. “We’re involved because it’s a major operation that crosses provincial and international boundaries and requires additional resources,” said McCabe, who previously worked for Australia’s National Crime Authority. “But, while it’s horrible to say, child rape cases really are our core business.”
McCabe, 45, who started up the CPU, revealed that the three-year-old’s case was the unit’s 104th child rape investigation this year. Total cases number 118. The unit takes a “holistic approach to child rape, assault and homicide” from initial investigations through to victim support and prosecutions.
A child abuse victim
A child abuse victim. GEORGE NICKELLS
“Our main priority is to minimise trauma to children and the best way to do that is to get good physical evidence so the courts don’t have to rely on child testimony,” said McCabe. “We don’t want them having to go over their experience over and over again.”
Along with demonstrating advanced policing techniques on the job, the CPU, which employs 34 staff including three foreigners, also runs training courses.
“So we focus on training, capacity building and teaching investigative techniques,” he said.
So far it seems to be working. The CPU has an arrest rate of about 80 per cent and all 17 of the suspects who have gone to court have been found guilty. “The sentences have ranged from two to 20 years,” added McCabe.
At the headquarters of the Cambodian Children’s Fund in Phnom Penh, executive director Scott Neeson said the CPU was something of a departure from the charity’s usual projects, which have previously
focused on education, accommodation and health care for youngsters.
“In terms of vision, it had always made me very angry that there were so many cases of child rape you came across anecdotally, with so many families and children, and no one ever got charged. Money would change hands,” added Neeson, a former Hollywood film executive turned children’s rights advocate who founded the Cambodian Children’s Fund in 2004.
“I had a very stereotypical, judgemental view that it was about making money [for the police].
A young boy looks out of the window at the Underprivileged Children School in Sambat Village
A young boy looks out of the window at the Underprivileged Children School in Sambat Village. GEORGE NICKELLS
“It was when Jim [McCabe] presented the model [for the CPU] of what the issue really is [that I got on board] and it’s [that the police are] under-resourced and under-trained. As well the opportunity to not only bring about a higher arrest rate but also show a deterrent which has never been [there] before.”
The program should also see a long-term improvement in arrest rates. The CPU was like “capacity building on steroids”, said Neeson.
Eric Meldrum, a former British police force detective turned anti-exploitation consultant, is supportive of the work the CPU is doing as the Cambodian police are so under-resourced that even basic assistance will make a huge difference. “They’re doing work that really needs to be done,” said Meldrum. “They’re not doing really complex cases, so a little bit of money goes a long way.”
But not everyone is convinced that the police should be receiving outside assistance. Ear Sophal, the author of Aid Dependence in Cambodia: How Foreign Assistance Undermines Democracy, said ideally recurring costs such as petrol and food should be covered by the government. “Generally, I would say that it is not appropriate to dedicate resources for such expenses if one is interested in sustainability,” Sophal wrote in an email. “But if one is interested in expediency, then anything goes. You might as well pay the police to do its work if it leads to the results you want.
“Such partnerships are not unheard of, see for example [disgraced anti-trafficking crusader Somaly Mam’s NGO] AFESIP and its close association with the police. [But this is] problematic at times, to say the least.”
For many, it was attractive to think the ends justified the means. “But that is a slippery slope: What if only bribes resulted in crimes against children being solved?” said Sophal. “Would that be justifiable? The most important thing is putting an end to impunity, and that will result in crimes being solved fairly quickly.”
Pupils were allegedly rented out for sex at the Underprivileged Children School
Pupils were allegedly rented out for sex at the Underprivileged Children School. GEORGE NICKELLS
But Sophal’s criticisms were rejected by Neeson. “If it comes down to providing a couple of phone cards and some money for petrol, we’ll do it,” he said. “I feel like it encourages rather than replaces government investment.”
Meanwhile, the program has support from the highest levels in the police administration. Mok Chito, chief of the Interior Ministry’s Central Justice Department, said the CPU and the police were cooperating well. However, he talked down the impact of the CPU on arrest rates.
“We were still on duty before the CPU existed. Even though our investigating is still limited, we are able to work it out,” he said. “Even though [the police] could miss some sources, we were still able to solve about 70 per cent of cases.”
When there was previously a child murder case, police from the Ministry of Interior went down to work with provincial officers, which was expensive. “Sometimes we don’t have enough money [but] we still go down to work it out,” said Chito.
So far, one of the CPU’s biggest achievements has been the development of the Battambang police force. “We don’t need to go out with them on jobs any more, the standard of their investigations is so good now,” said McCabe.
If the success of Battambang can be replicated in other provinces, the CPU may be able to shut in six or seven years. “That’s how I measure our success,” said McCabe. “When we’re not needed any more.”
The difficulty in prosecuting child abuse in Cambodia is exacerbated by the ease with which perpetrators can pay their way out of rape charges. Read more here.
For a case of the Child Protection Unit in action click here.